IndiaStar: A Literary-Art Magazine


 

 

The Aryans and Ancient Indian History

by Subhash Kak

(Subhash Kak is a professor at Louisiana State University,
Baton Rouge. His recent books are``In Search of the
Cradle of Civilization'' and ``The Secrets of Ishbar:
Poems on Kashmir and other Landscapes.'')

 

 

 

 

Introduction

 

The concept of invading hordes of Aryans conquering northern India

around 1500 BC arose in the nineteenth century for a variety of reasons.

Linguists had established that the north Indian, Iranian, and most

European languages were structurally related and belonged to the

same family, which was given the name Indo-European.

A homeland was postulated and it was assumed that the

residents of this homeland spoke a common language, called

``proto-Indo-European'' (PIE), which was the ancestor to the historically

known ancient languages such as Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek, Latin, and so

on. Based primarily on linguistic considerations, several theories

were proposed according to which this homeland was likely to have been

in southeastern Europe or Central Asia. By assigning an arbitrary

period of 200 years to each of the several layers of the pre-Buddhist

Vedic literature, the period of around 1500 BC was arrived at for the

entry of the Aryans into India.

 

This alleged Aryan invasion was then tied up with the mention of the

horse in the Vedic literature by asserting that the invading Aryans

brought horses and chariots with them. This hypothesis was considered

proven by claiming that the domestication of the horse took place not

too much before 1500 BC. It was assumed that the horse provided

military advantage to the Aryans, which made it possible for them to

conquer the indigenous inhabitants of India.

 

Early objections

 

Scholars soon pointed out many problems

with this theory. First, the earliest Indian literature has no memory

of any such entry from outside and its focus is squarely the region of

the seven rivers, ``Sapta Sindhu'', with its centre in

the Sarasvati valleys and covering a great part of north and northwest

India ranging from Indus to Ganga to Sarayu. Second, Indian

traditional king lists go back into fourth millennium BC and earlier;

also, the more reliable lists of teachers in the Vedic books cannot be

fitted into the Aryan invasion chronology. Third, it was contended

that the beginnings of the vast Vedic literature needed a greater time

horizon easily reaching back at least into the third millennium BC.

Fourth, astronomical references in the Vedic literature refer to events

as early as the fourth millennium BC. The Puranas remember

migrations out of India; such migrations were invoked to explain the

reference to Vedic gods in treaties between kings and to other Indic

names in West Asian texts and inscriptions in the second millennium BC;

but the supporters of the Aryan invasion theory saw these West Asian

Indic references as traces of the migratory path of the Aryans into

India. Fifth, The Vedic literature nowhere mentions riding in battle

and the horse was rare in Vedic times and the word ``ashva'' for

horse was often used figuratively for speed. Sixth, there was no

plausible process explaining how incursions by nomads could have

overwhelmed the original languages in one of the most densely populated

regions of the ancient world. Seventh, the Vedic literature spoke of

the Aryans as living in a complex society with an important urban

element; there is mention of cities, ocean-going ships, numerous

professions, which is contradictory to the image of barbaric invaders

from the north.

 

Although the assumptions at the basis of the Aryan invasion theory were

arbitrary and there was little supporting evidence, the reason this

theory became popular was that it fulfilled several unstated needs

of the historians at the time. It reinforced the racial attitudes

popular in the nineteenth century so that the highly regarded Vedas

could be assigned to a time before the Aryans in India mixed with the

indigenous races. The conquest of India by the British was taken to be

similar to the supposed earlier conquest by the Aryans and so this

theory played an important imperialistic function. Slowly, as the

Aryan invasion date became the anchor that was used to fix other

ancient events in the histories of the Indian, Iranian, and European

peoples, scholars became ever more reluctant to question the

assumptions on which it was based.

 

New discoveries and insights

 

Archaeological discoveries made in the Indian sub-continent

in the past century have slowly accumulated evidence which has

led to a discrediting of the Aryan invasion model. These discoveries

have been reinforced by new insights from history of science,

astronomy, and literary analysis. The main points of the evidence

are highlighted below:

 

* It has been found that the Sapta Sindhu region -- precisely the

same region which is the heartland of the Vedic texts-- is associated

with a cultural tradition that has been traced back to at least

8000 BC without any break. It appears that the Sarasvati region

was the centre of this cultural tradition and this is

what the Vedic texts also indicate. The term ``Aryan'' in Indian

literature has no racial or linguistic connotations.

 

* According to the work of Kenneth Kennedy of Cornell University

there is no evidence of demographic discontinuity in archaeological

remains during the period 4500 to 800 BC. In other words, there was no

significant influx of people into India during this period.

 

* B.B. Lal of the Archaeological Survey of India discovered fire

altars in his excavations at the third-millennium site of Kalibangan.

It appears now that fire altars were in use at other Harappan sites as

well. Fire altars are an essential part of the Vedic ritual.

 

* Geologists have determined that the Sarasvati river dried up

around 1900 BC. Since Sarasvati is the greatest river of the Rigvedic

hymns, one conclusion that can be drawn is that the Rigveda was

composed prior to 1900 BC.

 

* Study of pottery styles and cultural artifacts has led

archaeologists such as Jim Shaffer of Case Western Reserve University

to conclude that the Indus-Sarasvati culture exhibits a continuity that

can be traced back to at least 8000 BC. Shaffer summarizes:

``The shift by Harappans [after the drying up of the Sarasvati river around

1900 BC] is the only archaeologically documented west-to-east movement

of human populations in South Asia before the first half of the first

millennium BC.'' In other words, there has been no Aryan invasion.

 

* A. Seidenberg of University of California at Berkeley reviewed

the geometry of the fire altars of India as summarized in early Vedic

texts such as the Shatapatha Brahmana and compared it to the

early geometry of Greece and Mesopotamia. In a series of papers, he

was able to establish that this Vedic geometry should be dated prior to

1700 BC.

 

* It has now been discovered that altar constructions were used to

represent astronomical knowledge. Furthermore, an astronomical code

has been found in the organization of the Vedic books. This code

establishes that the Vedic people had a tradition of observational

astronomy which means that the many astronomical references in the

Vedic texts that point to events as early as 3000 or 4000 BC can no

longer be ignored.

 

* Recent computer analysis of the texts from India have shown that

the Brahmi script of the times of the Mauryan king Ashoka

is derived from the earlier third millennium script of the

Indus-Sarasvati age. This again is strong evidence of cultural

continuity.

 

* The archaeological record shows that the Indus-Sarasvati area was

different from other ancient civilizations in many cultural features.

For example, in contrast to ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia, it shows very

little monumental architecture; it appears that the political

organization and its relationship to other elites in the society was

unique. This is paralleled by the unique character of the Vedic

literary tradition with its emphasis on knowledge and the nature of the

self.

 

* Remains of the horse have been discovered in the Harappan ruins.

A clay model of a horse was found in Mohenjo Daro. New findings from

Ukraine show evidence of horse riding as early as 4000 BC. The notion

that the Aryans burst into history as horse riding nomads sometime

after 2000 BC stands totally rejected.

 

Taken together, the cumulative evidence completely belies the Aryan

invasion theory. If an influx of people into India took place it

should be earlier than 4500 BC if one considers the demographic

evidence, and perhaps before 8000 BC if one considers other related

evidence. On the other hand, it is equally plausible that the Sapta

Sindhu region was the original homeland of the Aryans from where they

migrated to Iran and Europe, as remembered in Puranic legends.

 

Linguistic issues

 

Recently, linguists have called into question the very assumptions

that are at the basis of the genealogical model of the Indo-European

family of languages. It has been suggested that the ancient world

had very many language families and that population increase

and greater contacts and trade with the emergence

of agriculture coupled with large-scale political integration led to

extinction of languages and also to a transfer of languages across

ethnic groups. In such a complex evolutionary process it is

meaningless to pin a specific language on any racial type.

 

In the Indian linguistic area itself it has been found that there exist

deep structural relationships between the north Indian and the

Dravidian languages. It is likely that the Vedic period repesents an

age much after the contact between these two linguistic families had

begun; in other words, the early Vedic period might represent a

synthesis between the north Indian and the Dravidian cultural

histories.

 

Chronology of the Vedic literature

 

The collapse of the Aryan invasion theory, and the assumptions upon

which it was based, opens many other questions related to the

chronology of the Vedic literature. Certain key dates in Indian

literature were decided by assuming the flow of ideas from

Greece to India. For example, the Sutra literature was dated to

after 300 BC primarily because it was assumed that the geometry

of the Shulba Sutras came after Greek geometry. Now that

Seidenberg has shown that essentially the same geometry was

present in the earlier Brahmanas, which definitely

predate Greek geometry, the question of the chronology of the Sutra

literature becomes important. Using astronomical references it appears

that the Vedic Samhitas should be dated to the third millennium

BC, the Brahmanas to the second millennium BC, with the

Upanishads and the Sutras coming somewhat later. But further

research is needed here.

 

An interesting question that arises is: why did the Aryan invasion

theory hold sway for so long? The answer is complex and related to the

use of a flawed method. The invasions were considered verified by a

circular logic. The dates within the invasion theory were used to

characterize the nature of the evolution of Vedic Sanskrit, and this

was in turn related to observed peculiarities of other ancient

Indo-European languages such as Hittite, Avestan, Armenian, Greek,

Latin, and so on. Migrations at different times from the supposed

homeland were then invoked to explain these peculiarities. This is

circular logic, and consequently no amount of linguistic evidence can

lead to the falsification of the model.

 

The debunking of the Aryan invasion theory raises many questions about

the earliest periods of the Indo-European linguistic groups and the

connections between their cultures.